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The Merit System 

and 

The New Democratic Party 



Addtess by 
President Charles W* Eliot 

President of the National Civil Service 
Reform Leagftte 

Delivered at the Thirty-second Annual Meeting 

of the 

NATIONAL aVIL SERVICE REFORM LEAGUE 

At MILWAUKEE, WIS. 
December 5, i9t2 



PUBLISHED FOR THE 

NATIONAL CIVIL SERVICE REFORM LEAGUE, 
79 Wall Street, New York. 
1913. 



V- 



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The Merit System and The New Democratic 

Party 

CHARLES W. ELIOT, PRESIDENT OF THE LEAGUE. 

The National Civil Service Reform League meets this 
year under circumstances of unusual interest. After an 
interval of sixteen years the Democratic party is again 
coming into power, and is to take over from the Republi- 
can party control of the entire national civil service. 

What policy in regard to the merit system will the 
Democratic Congress and Administration think it for their 
interest and the interest of the country to pursue? 

The merit system, as it now exists, is by no means the 
creation of the Republican party alone. George H. Pen- 
dleton of Ohio, author of the early bill which bore his 
name, was a Democrat. President Cleveland was a civil 
service reformer through all his public career. When 
•Governor, he signed the New York law of 1883. His first 
message as President contained a strong statement on be- 
half of civil service reform. In his first term he made 
large extensions of the classified service, and took meas- 
ures to prevent political activity on the part of civil ser- 
vants appointed under the merit system. During his sec- 
ond term he again made important additions to the classi- 
fied service, and included among civil servants to be ap- 
pointed on the merit system chief clerks and chiefs of 
division in the Washington bureaus, thus reaching the 
limit imposed by the Constitution and the laws that make 
all higher appointments than those subject to confirma- 
tion by the Senate. He made the most sweeping exten- 
sions of the merit system made by any President of the 
United States up to that date, repeatedly declared his 
faith in civil service reform, and held that faith to the 
very end of his administration. 



President McKinley always regarded himself as a civil 
service reformer; but he apparently thought that Presi- 
dent Cleveland's extensions of the merit system had been 
too sweeping for the immediate convenience of the Re- 
publican party, so that he gave back to the patronage sys- 
tem several thousand places which President Cleveland 
had put on the merit system. Among these places re- 
stored to patronage were several of the higher kinds of 
office. President Roosevelt and President Taft both be- 
lieved in the merit system as promoting honesty and ef- 
ficiency in the national administration, and both made im- 
portant extensions of the classified service. President 
Roosevelt put into the classified service fourth-class post- 
masters east of the Mississippi and north of the Potomac 
and Ohio; and President Taft has recently added all the 
rest of the fourth-class postmasters. President Taft has 
also ordered that assistant postmasters shall be selected 
on the merit system ; and this order will have wide and 
lasting effects, because postmasters ought to be promoted, 
as a rule, from among the assistant postmasters, as the 
postmaster qf New York has already been. Moreover, all 
the lower grades of the post office service will be favorably 
affected by the opening of the assistant postmasterships 
to persons who prove their merit in the lower grades of 
the post office service. President Taft's act has made it 
possible — for the first time in the history of the post office 
department — for a young, ambitious, and capable Amer- 
ican to enter the postal service at the bottom with the stim- 
ulating hope in his heart of rising by merit to an assistant 
postmastership, and with a glimpse of the highest posts 
in the department beyond, not, as now, wholly impossible 
of attainment. So long as the highest posts in the civil 
service are inaccessible from below to persons of proved 
merit, so long competent young men will not care to 
enter the Ibwer grades, or, if they enter them for tem- 
porary purposes, they will soon quit the service. Every 
career open to merit is the fundamental principle of ef- 
fective organization, whether civil or military. Through 



two Democratic and all the Republican administrations 
since President Cleveland's first term Congress has made 
the necessary appropriations for maintaining the National 
Civil Service Commission — not always willingly, some- 
times grudgingly ; and yet the merit system has been 
maintained for the lower grades of the national service 
and has been gradually, though not steadily, extended. 

This League at its annual meeting has usually record- 
ed with joy some advance of the reform, and also the de- 
feat, through its influence, of attacks on the merit system, 
made sometimes in Congress, sometimes in administra- 
tive departments of the government. That sort of record 
we have to make today. We welcome some improvements 
effected during the year 1912, but also have to accept the 
fact that several attacks on the merit system, made in Con- 
gress, were defeated with difficulty, and that one such at- 
tack, originating in the Senate, succeeded in spite of the 
protests of the United States Civil Service Commission 
and of this League. 

President Cleveland and his Republican successors 
have been friends of the merit system, and have helped 
forward this most fundamental of all reforms; but all 
have made use of the higher civil service offices, which 
are still filled by the patronage method, to further the sup- 
posed interests of their respective parties, and to procure 
the passage through Congress of measures which they 
had at heart ; and all have used the patronage officeholders 
to" pack and dominate party committees, caucuses, and 
conventions. All these Presidents without exception have 
made appointments for political purposes. They have ap- 
pointed men to office who never could have met any rea- 
sonable test of merit or fitness ; and all have made ap- 
pointments by Executive order of persons who had to be 
specially exempted from the operation of the rules gov- 
erning the classified service, that is, the service filled by 
appointment for proved merit. In other words, neither 
Congress nor the Presidents have adhered consistently to 
the fundamental principles of the merit system ; and both 



Congress and the administration have from time to time 
interfered with the application of, or violated the rules of 
the merit system, even in those grades of the service to 
which the rules are applicable by law. 

In the meantime, a tremendous change in public opin- 
ion has been going on throughout the country concerning 
the reform which this League has advocated for thirty- 
three years. The mass of the voters in the United States 
accepted for a long time the spoils doctrine as reasonable 
and under the circumstances inevitable. Public opinion 
was tolerant of sweeping changes in the civil service 
whenever the party in power was displaced by a new 
election, and of the inefficiency and waste which resulted 
from frequent changes in the entire civil service of the 
country. The public did not understand how the in- 
creasing complexity of the work of the federal adminis- 
tration made rotation in office the source of increasing 
waste and loss for the government and the people. For 
many years the public looked with equanimity upon the 
spectacle of national officeholders giving their time and 
thought to party work, or to the service of the men to 
whom they owed their places. The machine and boss 
were supported from the salaries of the public offices 
which had been filled through their agency, and from as- 
sessments levied on candidates for office, and on persons 
or corporations whom the machines and bosses had helped 
to money from the public treasury through legislative or 
administrative favor. Gradually the American public has 
been aroused from their indifferent or apathetic attitude 
towards a great moral and material evil, and has begun to 
pay attention to the losses and wastes the nation suffers 
through the incompetency and inefficiency of civil ser- 
vants selected without adequate tests, appointed by per- 
sonal favor or for party service, and under allegiance not 
to the national service but to a personal or party patron. 

The signs of this change in public opinion are numer- 
ous; and yet many of them seem to have escaped the at- 
tention of the active politicians of both parties. The mass 



of the people today would look with disgust and appre- 
hension on a sweeping change throughout the national 
offices on the incoming of a new party or a new adminis- 
tration. For instance, the business men of the country, 
whether importers or exporters, would look with extreme 
disfavor upon a sweeping change in the consular offices of 
the United States throughout the world. Business men 
now regard consuls as agents for building up the foreign 
trade of the United States ; and they are well aware that 
a consul is ordinarily valuable in proportion to the length 
of his service, and to the means of communication he has 
acquired with the people among whom he lives. It would 
be rash for the Democratic party, now coming into power, 
to interfere with, or abandon, the half-way merit system 
introduced into the consular service by the Executive or- 
ders of Presidents Roosevelt and Taft; for that system, 
though not thorough or complete, has built up the morale 
of the service, and led to the employment of a much better 
class of men than formerly sought the consulships. The 
business interests of the country have been better served 
by the consuls appointed on examination than ever before, 
although the new rules rest on Executive orders only and 
not on statutes. The improvement in the service has been 
so great within the last twelve years, and its results have 
been so favorably regarded by all the American chambers 
of commerce and trade organizations, that wholesale ejec- 
tion of the present consuls from office, and their replace- 
ment by inexperienced political appointees would seem to 
be out of the question. 

The general sentiment of the public has changed strik- 
ingly with regard to the value of experience in the incum- 
bents of the higher national offices. The people now be- 
lieve that experienced, expert men should be employed as 
heads of all the government establishments, that is, in 
collectorships, deputy coUectorships, postmasterships, and 
marshalships. In all the great manufacturing and trans- 
portation industries of the country the people see superin- 
tendents and managers selected with the greatest care and 



kept in office as long as possible. The people see that 
every complicated business into which applied science en- 
ters largely as a factor needs the services of men selected 
for fitness and merit, trained and developed by experience, 
and devoted to the business with a full sense of security 
and honor in their places. They perceive that the business 
of the government is extremely complicated in its higher 
departments, hard to learn completely, and needing the 
same faithful and continuous service which private enter- 
prises profit by and reward. 

Within the past fifteen years the civil services of the 
states and cities of the Union have attracted a great deal 
of public attention and great improvements have already 
been made in many of them. With the exception of the 
national letter carrier service, these local services are 
nearer to the people than the national service ; and the im- 
provements already effected therein have been more in- 
structive to the public than those in the national service. 
Everybody knows nowadays that teachers, firemen, and 
policemen should be selected and promoted on the merit 
system, kept in office during good behavior and efficiency, 
and pensioned on disability. Some of the states and cities 
have applied the merit system to offices of high grade; 
whereas in the national service that system is applied 
only to comparatively subordinate places. The wide adop- 
tion of the commission form of government for cities af- 
fords a good illustration of the change that has taken 
place in the public mind concerning the advantages of the 
merit system over the patronage system of appointment. 
It is of the essence of the commission form of govern- 
ment that a small body shall be elected by popular vote to 
determine the general policies of the city, and to select and 
appoint competent experts as the executive heads of the 
various city departments. The commissions elected in 
cities of fair size have been expected to procure for the 
administrative work of the cities civil servants selected for 
merit and kept in office during good behavior and ef- 
ficiency. The people have seen many instances of the su- 



periority of this method of getting a city's work done to 
the former method of trying to accompHsh it through in- 
experienced and unfit men elected by popular vote, or ap- 
pointed by an incompetent and unstable authority. The 
recent great majority in Ohio for putting the merit sys- 
tem into the state constitution is a striking indication of 
the trend of public opinion in favor of civil service re- 
form. It seems likely that the political opportunists and 
"ear to the ground" thinkers will be'^ able to hear the heavy 
tramp of that procession. 

Still another influence has affected the public mind in 
regard to the expediency of selecting public officials with 
care, and then retaining them for long service. Within 
the past ten or fifteen years there has been manifested a 
greatly increased desire for liberal expenditures of public 
money to promote the security and health, and the enjoy- 
ments- of the less fortunate classes of the population. The 
rich, the poor, and the great middle class who are neither 
rich nor poor, all alike feel this desire, and all alike see 
clearly, as the result of recent experiences, that the de- 
sired expenditures cannot be made, if incompetent and 
inefficient managers and agents are allowed to expend the 
money raised by taxation. The wastes and losses of in- 
efficient administration are so great, that when the most 
pressing needs of the community have been in some 
measure met, such as roads, water-supplies, sewers, 
schools, fire protection, courts, and police, there will be lit- 
tle or nothing left for the newer departments of expend- 
iture which are so earnestly called for. Good city and 
town administration is therefore demanded, in order that 
there may be money to spend on the new social undertak- 
ings which the most enlightened and the least enlightened 
portions of the public alike long for. The great philan- 
thropic movement of society in recent years reinforces 
civil service reform, calls loudly for the merit system 
throughout the public service, and demands expert service 
during good behavior and efficiency in all the public ad- 
ministrative offices of city, state, and nation. 



Again, the public is no longer tolerant of the appear- 
ance of officeholders in the management of political com- 
mittees, caucuses, and conventions. The recent Presiden- 
tial campaign has made this fact very clear. It is no longer 
an advantage to the party in power to use its patronage 
officeholders in this way. On the contrary, it is an ele- 
ment of weakness for any candidate that his nomination 
has been procured through what President Cleveland 
called the pernicious political activity of patronage office- 
holders. The Republican party, which had been in power 
for sixteen years, using to the full its patronage office- 
holders as political managers, has just been overwhelm- 
ingly defeated by two parties which had no such office- 
holders to use. The people as a whole showed very plain- 
ly in this campaign their dislike and distrust of political 
management by the officeholders, the bosses, and the ma- 
chines, all of which agencies are supported out of the sal- 
aries of patronage officeholders and the assessments levied 
on persons who have obtained, or hope to obtain, through 
party agencies, illegitimate favors. Is it not perfectly 
clear that the American people through all their party 
divisions wish to have an end put to the political activity 
of officeholders? Now the only way to accomplish that 
end is to do away with the patronage system of appoint- 
ment throughout the government service. So long as gov- 
ernment officials owe their positions to a patron, they will 
work for that patron. Fill all government offices on the 
merit system through careful original selections and care- 
ful promotion, and no civil servant will have any patron to 
serve. Require all civil servants to abstain from partisan 
political activity, and there will be no officeholders' man- 
agement of either nominations or elections. 

For the first time in the history of civil service reform, 
a President of the United States has recommended that all 
the national offices be filled on the merit system, except, of 
course, elective offices, cabinet offices, and the assistant- 
ships attached to cabinet offices. To this recommenda- 
tion of President Taft the present Congress has paid no 



attention, thus showing either that the Senators and the 
members of the House of Representatives are not wilHng 
to give up the patronage they have improperly acquired 
and do not understand the great change in public opinion 
concerning the civil service which has already taken place, 
or that, understanding that change, they propose to fight 
for their patronage as necessary to the support of expedi- 
ent party activities or of their own political fortunes. 

The illegitimate practice of distributing among the 
Senators and Representatives the patronage of the higher 
civil offices, a practice which has deprived the President of 
his constitutional power over appointments, now blocks the 
progress of civil service reform ; and it is for public opin- 
ion to insist strenuously on the abolition of that practice, 
and the restoration to the President of his legitimate ap- 
pointing power. Whatever intrenchments defend that 
practice should now be stormed by public opinion. Sena- 
tors and Representatives now select, nominate and ap- 
point, and the President confirms. We should return to 
the constitutional order, which is the very reverse of pres- 
ent practice. 

The Democratic party, soon coming into power, has a 
precious opportunity to instal itself in the favorable re- 
gard of many millions of intelligent and patriotic Amer- 
icans without distinction of party. It can turn back from 
the capitol the horde of hungry Democratic officeseekers 
that will inevitably muster there. It can refuse to turn out 
competent and faithful officials in the higher civil service, 
although they were in many cases Republican patronage 
appointees. It can refuse to disturb consuls selected by 
the half-way merit system set up by the Executive orders 
of Presidents Roosevelt and Taft, and replace those orders 
by a thorough-going statute. It can prevent all office- 
holders from rendering political party service. It can show 
by its actions that it does not believe that any party ad- 
vantage can be gained through the patronage method of 
appointment to public offices, and that it recognizes the 
rightful demand of the people for the maintenance and 



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extension of the merit system. This League will watch 
with vigilance and the keenest interest the action concern- 
ing civil service reform about to be taken by the Demo- 
cratic party under its new leaders, believing that action to 
be more important to the Democratic party and to the 
country than the party action on the tariff, banking and 
currency, the foreign policies, or the treatment of insular 
possessions, and more likely to determine the destiny of 
the Democratic party for the next eight years than any 
other public policy. The reason for this predominance 
of civil service reform over all other political issues is, that 
that reform touches intimately every other governmental 
improvement, and affects profoundly the morality and 
efficiency of American citizenship. 

The League is to be congratulated that convincing 
demonstrations have been given all over the country by 
numerous civil service commissions that good candidates 
can always be selected by the method of examination and 
inquiry for civil offices of all sorts and all grades, the 
highest as well as the lowest. For many years after the 
introduction of the merit system the method of examina- 
tion was ridiculed by practical politicians and other per- 
sons interested in the perpetuation of the spoils system. 
Civil service reformers were declared to be theorists, vis- 
ionaries, academic persons without any acquaintance with 
practical affairs, and the method of examination was de- 
clared wholly inapplicable to the selection of government 
employees, educated or uneducated, skilled or unskilled. 
Even the bosses and the machines have now given up this 
line of argument. They have discovered that the civil 
service reformers have advocated successfully the only 
perfect means of destroying the patronage method of ap- 
pointment, and with it the resources of political bosses 
and machines. They have learned that the merit system is 
the only practical, business-like method of selecting, de- 
veloping, and promoting the officials of any government 
which has modern business to do, national, state, or mu- 
nicipal ; and they are beginning to see that the sound busi- 



II 



ness opinion of the country is overwhelmingly on the side 
of the reform which the politicians used to denounce as 
visionary and unpractical. The state and city commis- 
sions have contributed greatly to the demonstration that 
the method of examination and inquiry into training and 
experience is applicable to candidates for the highest civil 
offices and in the most expert administrative services. The 
Federal Commission has also contributed to this demon- 
stration, but not so much as the state and city commis- 
sions ; because the immense majority of offices in the class- 
ified service of the United States are subordinate posi- 
tions. Combining the achievements of the Federal Com- 
mission with those of Kansas City, Cook County, Illinois, 
New York State and city, Buffalo, Philadelphia, Chicago, 
Los Angeles, and Massachusetts, abundant proof has been 
given that architects, chemists, engineers of all sorts, road 
builders, accountants, pathologists, foresters, superintend- 
ents of Indian Reservations, statisticians of all kinds, 
heads of fire departments, and penal and charitable 
institutions, superintendents of hospitals and asylums,, 
commissioners of public works, health commissioners, po- 
lice superintendents, fire marshals, and librarians can all 
be wisely selected by the method of examination and in- 
vestigation, and that the efficiency of the civil service can 
be indefinitely increased by following exclusively this 
method of selection and appointment. In short, the meth- 
ods of selection and appointment advocated by this League 
have proved to be completely feasible, and to lead straight 
to all the anticipated improvements in the civil service of 
the country. Whoever now asks that a candidate for 
office be exempted from examination and inquiry on the 
competitive merit system is either ignorant of the above 
facts, or untrustworthy in his support of the merit system. 
An intelligent and ambitious young man choosing a 
career for life wishes not only to obtain a first appoint- 
ment by giving evidences of merit and capacity, but then 
to see before him a just method of promotion and a fairly 
secure tenure of office, if he prove himself competent and 



1 2 



faithful. Thorough civil service reform, therefore, in- 
cludes the provision of a just and careful method of pro- 
motion, and of a fair tenure of office for officials of proved 
capacity. This League, through committees, has already 
given much attention to the establishment of a sound sys- 
tem of promotion in the national civil service, but sees the 
necessity of continuing the diligent study of that subject, 
and of promoting judicious experiments thereon. 

A pension system for employees of long service is a 
desirable and economical part of any large administrative 
and executive organization ; and this League has, through 
committees, given much attention to the study of an appro- 
priate pension system for employees of the national gov- 
ernment. Although several bills on this subject have been 
brought before Congress, no action has yet been taken; 
and while this League continues to be interested in the 
subject, it is not urging any action upon Congress in this 
matter, although it has expressed a preference for a con- 
tributory system of pensions to a system of direct pen- 
sions. There are peculiar difficulties in the way of estab- 
lishing a sound pension system for the civil employees 
of the national government. For instance. Congress pro- 
vides for the payment of so many salaries in each of sev- 
eral grades of service in the government bureaus at Wash- 
ington. If a vacancy occurs in any one of the grades, it 
must be immediately filled in the same grade, so that the 
total number of salaries in that grade shall be expended as 
appropriated. It is not possible to omit filling that particu- 
lar vacancy, and to get the work of the former incumbent 
done by an official of a lower grade. Therefore, what- 
ever amount is spent by the United States for pensions 
will be a clean addition to the amount of salaries provided 
for in the appropriation bills. Accordingly, no economic 
use of pensions for promoting the efficiency of the total 
system is possible. A university or a railroad can pro- 
vide a pension for a retiring official, and diminish for a 
time the total salary-list by the amount of that pension, or 
by some considerable fraction of that amount ; and this is 



13 

the method which any judicious administration would fol- 
low in pensioning employees. For the present, a pension 
system cannot be economically applied in the civil service 
of the United States. 

An intelligently devised pension system increases the 
efficiency of the corps or staff, to which it is applied, by 
removing superannuated persons, and making promotion 
quicker throughout the corps or staff. The superannua- 
tion evil is not, however, serious as yet in the civil service 
of the United States, because the number of old employees 
is small, and most of the persons who are approaching 
what would be the age of retirement in a sound organiza- 
tion are either in low-salaried places, or were spoils ap- 
pointees. To continue some low salaries beyond the age 
when they are really earned will not bring a heavy charge 
upon the government; and as to spoils appointees, the 
government is, of course, under no obligation whatever to 
them in regard to a provision for disability or old age. The 
League, therefore, will bring no pressure to bear upon the 
government for the immediate adoption of any pension 
system whatever, and inclines to the belief that legislation 
on that subject needs further consideration. Whenever 
the higher offices in the national civil service shall be filled 
on the merit system, the interest of the League in the pen- 
sion system will become keen. The indispensable pre- 
liminary conditions of a sound pension system are orig- 
inal selection for merit and promise, a reasonable proba- 
tion, promotion for merit proved, and long service. 

The League congratulates itself on the - strength 
throughout the country of the movement in favor of the 
commission form of government in cities, and of the 
movement in favor of a short ballot, and welcomes with 
the utmost cordiality the strong support which both these 
movements bring to the cause of civil service reform. 

Finally, this National League greets and thanks all the 
state and municipal societies which are associated with it 
as supporters and colaborers, and congratulates them on 
the striking progress of the fundamental reform to which 



14 

it and they are alike devoted. And we, the living advo- 
cates of this great moral reform, cherish in our hearts to- 
night the names of the pioneers who bore the burden of 
the earlier conflicts. We think gratefully of Jencks, Pen- 
dleton, Eaton, Curtis, Burt, Schurz, and Oilman, and of 
their noble leadersliip in times more difficult than ours. 
We say thankfully of their labors and our own — the end 
is not yet, but it draws near. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



OFHCERS, I9J249I; 

PRESIDENT : 

CHARLES W. ELIOT. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS: — 

EDWIN A. ALDERMAN, FRANKLIN MACVEAGH, 

CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, GEORGE A. POPE, 



JOSEPH H. CHOATE, 
HARRY A. GARFIELD, 
GEORGE GRAY, 
ARTHUR T, HADLEY, 
SETH LOW, 

SECRETARY: 

ROBT. W. BELCHER, 

ASS'T 



HENRY A. RICHMOND, 
MOORFIELD STOREY, 
THOMAS N. STRONG, 
HERBERT WELSH, 




WILLIAM A. AIKEN, 
FREDERIC ALMY, 
CHARLES J. BONAPARTE, 
ARTHUR H. BROOKS, 
CHARLES C. BURLINGHAM, 
GEORGE BURNHAM, JR., 
JOHN A. BUTLER, 
EDWARD CARY, 
ROBERT CATHERWOOD, 
LEANDER T. CHAMBERLAIN, 
WILLIAM C. COFFIN, 
EVERETT COLBY, 
CHARLES COLLINS, 
JOSEPH P. COTTON, JR., 
WILLIAM E. GUSHING, 
RICHARD HENRY DANA, 
HORACE E. DEMING, 
ALBERT DE ROODE, 
JOHN JOY EDSON, 
JOHN A. FAIRLIE, 
HENRY W. EARN AM, 
CYRUS D. FOSS, JR., 
WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE, 
ELLIOT H. GOODWIN, 
CHARLES NOBLE GREGORY, 
H. R. GUILD, 
HENRY W. HARDON, 
STILES P. JONES, 
WILLIAM V. KELLEN, 



TREASURER : 

A. S. FRISSELL. 

SECRETARIES : 

GEORGE T. KEYES. 
HARRY W. MARSH. 

COUNCIL: 

ROBERT D. JENKS, Chairman 

FRANCIS B. KELLOGG, 

JOHN F. LEE, 

WILLIAM G. LOW, 

GEORGE McANENY, 

HENRY C. MCCUNE, 

JOHN W. MARINER, 

HARRY J. MILLIGAN, 

WILLIAM B. MOULTON, 

SAMUEL Y. NASH, 

SAMUEL H. ORDWAY, 

ELLIOTT H. PENDLETON, 

JOHN READ, 

H. O. REIK, 

CTHARLES RICHARDSON, 

NELSON S. SPENCER, 

HENRY W. SPRAGUE, 

LUCIUS B. SWIFT, 

FRANK J. SYMMES, 

W. J. TREMBATH, 

HENRY VAN KLEECK, 

W. W. VAUGHAN, 

EVERETT P. WHEELER, 

CHARLES B. WILBY, 

ANSLEY WILCOX, 

CHARLES D. WILLARD, 

FREDERICK C. WINKLER, 

R. FRANCIS WOOD, 

CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, 

MORRILL WYMAN, JR, 



Offices of the League^ 
No. 79 Wall St., New York. 



